KATHMANDU: As voting day for the House of Representatives draws near on March 5, momentum is building across Nepal, with campaign rallies intensifying, parties stepping up voter outreach, and lively debates dominating both streets and social media platforms.

Yet behind this energy lies a stark imbalance.

Of the 3,400 candidates contesting under the first-past-the-post (FPTP) system, only 395 are women roughly 11%. The figure has prompted widespread debate: Have political parties failed to field one-third women candidates as directed by the Election Commission? Does the Constitution not guarantee 33% women’s participation in Parliament? And as a signatory to multiple UN human rights frameworks, is Nepal fulfilling its commitments to gender equality?

While political leaders cite familiar reasons for women’s low participation limited financial resources, restricted mobility, social expectations and lack of political exposure some activists argue these explanations only scratch the surface.

A structural root
Advocates working on gender justice say a deeper, often unacknowledged factor shapes women’s exclusion from leadership: menstrual discrimination.

A study of 12,000 respondents conducted by the Global South Coalition for Dignified Menstruation and the Radha Paudel Foundation found that children across caste, class, religion and geography learn about menstrual restrictions between the ages of six and nine largely through family practices and social norms.

Researchers argue that long before their first menstruation, girls internalise messages of impurity, weakness or limitation. At the same time, boys may internalise perceptions of superiority and unrestricted authority. Over time, this dual socialisation influences confidence, agency and access to decision-making spaces.

The cycle of exclusion
Gender experts describe menstrual discrimination as part of a broader cycle that affects emotional wellbeing, education, economic participation and political representation.

From early childhood, girls may observe restrictions placed on mothers and aunts during menstruation including exclusion from kitchens, temples or family rituals. In many households, decision-making authority remains concentrated among male members. Activists say such patterns subtly reinforce power hierarchies.

Data from the 2022 National Demographic Health Survey suggests that between 62% and 76% of women across provinces experience some form of menstrual restriction, whether visible or invisible. Meanwhile, the 2025 Police Report indicates that 92% of reported violence against women occurs within the home, often perpetrated by family members.

Campaigners argue that when discrimination is normalized in private spaces, its effects extend into public life from school management committees to political parties.

Representation gap
Although women make up more than 51% of Nepal’s population, their representation in direct parliamentary contests remains low. Women have historically played significant roles in Nepal’s political movements from the era of Yogmaya to the democratic movements of 1990 and 2006, yet leadership positions continue to be dominated by men.

Even within indigenous and marginalised communities, representation in the FPTP system remains limited. Analysts note that caste-based discrimination and gender-based discrimination often intersect, compounding barriers.

Critics say political parties have focused more on proportional representation lists to meet constitutional quotas, while fielding relatively few women in direct constituencies where political power is often consolidated.

Beyond hygiene debates
Globally, conversations around menstruation have often centred on hygiene management. However, some scholars argue that the issue must also be examined through a power and human rights lens.

They contend that menstrual discrimination predates modern political systems and cuts across caste, religion and ideology. Without addressing the stigma and structural inequalities linked to it, policy quotas alone may not produce meaningful inclusion.

The path forward
Experts say stronger legal enforcement, educational reform and public awareness campaigns are needed to dismantle entrenched norms. Political parties, civil society organisations and state institutions alike are being urged to confront the structural roots of women’s underrepresentation.

As Nepal prepares to cast its votes, the question extends beyond electoral numbers. Can the country move from symbolic inclusion to substantive equality?

For many activists, the answer begins not only in Parliament but within households, schools and communities where power is first learned and exercised.

Only by challenging deeply embedded discrimination, they argue, can Nepal bridge the gap from the kitchen to the legislature and realize the promise of inclusive democracy.